ICNA’S ISLAMIST PROPAGANDA AND JIHAD ADVOCACY.

The Hidden Affiliations of Helping Hands for Relief and Development

While the nonprofit Helping Hands for Relief and Development (HHRD) presents itself as a humanitarian aid organization, its deeper affiliations suggest otherwise. HHRD operates under the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA), which serves as the U.S. counterpart—essentially an extension—of Pakistan’s Jamaat-e-Islami (JI).

The Roots of ICNA and Its Jamaat-e-Islami Pedigree.

ICNA, despite claims of being an independent entity, has inherited a long-standing ideological lineage from Jamaat-e-Islami. Founded in the 1960s in the U.S., ICNA was originally an Urdu-speaking group called Halqa Ahbabe Islami (Islamic Circle of Friends). Its initial mission involved recruiting Urdu-speaking Muslims aligned with JI’s ideology and supporting the organization’s objectives in Pakistan.

By 1977, it adopted the name Halqa Islami Shumali Amrika in Urdu, and Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA)in English. During its formative years, ICNA held regional meetings within the framework of the Muslim Students Association (MSA), a North American Islamist student group founded in 1963 at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign by members of the Muslim Brotherhood (Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimeen).

ICNA's Nonprofit Network and U.S. Government Partnerships.

HHRD is just one of twelve nonprofits operating under ICNA’s umbrella. Despite its controversial affiliations, ICNA has secured partnerships with U.S. Homeland Security’s FEMA, the Department of Health, and the Department of Agriculture. This raises concerns about how a nonprofit with Islamist ideological roots continues to receive U.S. government support.

Links to Islamist Movements and Extremist Figures.

Several key figures and events further highlight ICNA’s deep connections to Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist movements:

MUNA (Muslim Ummah of North America), another JI-affiliated group, has openly supported Islamist movements.
Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, a former JI Bangladesh assistant secretary general, attended a 2010 MUNA event before being sentenced to death in 2013 for his role in the murder of 120 unarmed farmers during Bangladesh’s 1971 liberation war.
Yusuf Islahi, a leader of JI’s Indian affiliate (JI Hind), has been a featured speaker at ICNA events since at least 2000, including ICNA’s 2019 Washington, D.C. convention.
Islahi has blamed Jews for the 9/11 attacks, calling it a justified response to American arrogance. At a 2001 JI Hind event in Aligarh, India, he stated:
"The September 11 event is a well-planned conspiracy to defame Islam. Muslims are being blamed for it without any evidence. Everyone knows who the real culprit is—Jews... The United States has unjustly and arrogantly ruled the world for too long. Allah has destroyed that arrogance on September 11. God willing, this will also inaugurate the age of Islam the world over."

ICNA’s Islamist Propaganda and Jihad Advocacy.

ICNA’s publication, The Message International, has frequently amplified Islamist narratives, including:

Interviews with JI leaders supporting the global caliphate movement.
Articles advocating for jihad in Kashmir and Palestine.
Editorials defending terrorists and radical groups.
Rhetoric attacking U.S. and Western foreign policy.
Inflammatory language against Jews and Zionism.

War Crimes and Terrorist Affiliations.

ICNA’s links to violent extremism are further underscored by the trial and sentencing of its former vice president and New York chapter leader, Ashrafuzzaman Khan. In 2016, a Bangladeshi war crimes tribunal sentenced Khan to death in absentia for his role in the abduction and murder of 18 Bangladeshi intellectuals during the 1971 war. Khan was a top commander of Al-Badr, a militant offshoot of JI.

Conclusion

ICNA’s deep ideological and operational ties to Jamaat-e-Islami, its history of extremist affiliations, and its ability to secure U.S. government partnerships despite these concerns raise significant questions. The continued operation of organizations like HHRD, which function under ICNA’s umbrella, calls for a critical examination of how nonprofits with Islamist leanings manage to navigate regulatory and financial frameworks in the United States.

The Ideological and Operational Framework of ICNA and Its Affiliates

A 2010 “Member’s Handbook” published by the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA)’s Tarbiyah (Education & Training) Department defines the organization as “an Islamic Jama’ah, an entity striving toward Iqamat-ad-Deen (‘Establishment of the Religion’) in North America.”

The handbook outlines a strategic, gradual approach toward achieving the overarching goal of an Islamic super-state, listing five stages to attain a global Caliphate.

In the initial phase, members undergo the “Tarbiyah Process,” an educational curriculum promoting Islam as a replacement for Western governance systems. The “Societal Level” involves outreach to non-Muslims through social services aimed at gaining influence within disadvantaged communities. The “State Level” marks increased societal traction, with a segment of intellectuals aligning with the movement. Ultimately, the struggle reaches the “Global Level,” wherein Islamic societies collaborate to unify the Ummah (Muslim nation) and establish a global Caliphate.

ICNA’s Alleged Links to Extremism.

ICNA has openly acknowledged and honored individuals linked to radical activities. In 1997, ICNA’s Southeastern Regional Convention commemorated Lawrence Nicholas Thomas (a.k.a. Jibril Abu-Adam), an American convert to Islam who traveled to Pakistan for militant training with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) before being neutralized in Kashmir by Indian forces.

Further, ICNA-affiliated charities, including Helping Hand for Relief and Development (HHRD) and ICNA Relief, have reportedly maintained ties with U.S.-designated Kashmiri jihadist groups, including Hizbul Mujahideen (HM), and JI Pakistan affiliates in Jammu and Kashmir. HHRD’s website notably refers to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir as “Azad Kashmir” while describing Jammu & Kashmir as “Indian-occupied Kashmir.”

Despite its links to extremist ideologies, ICNA continues to receive U.S. government support. In 2016, the organization was granted $1.3 million by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and over $10 million by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) for disaster relief work between 2016 and 2018. In 2019, ICNA received an additional $25,000 from New York City’s Communities of Color Nonprofit Stabilization Fund.

ICNA previously defended Ghulam Nabi Fai, a known ISI operative, when he was prosecuted under the U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) for receiving illicit funds from Pakistan’s intelligence agency. Fai, alongside U.S. lobbyist Paul Manafort, co-founded the Kashmir American Council (KAC), an advocacy group promoting anti-India narratives in the United States.

ICNA’s Controversial Partnerships

In December 2017, HHRD organized a conference for ‘World Disability Day’ in Timergara, Pakistan. Among the event’s sponsors were the Falah-e-Insaniat Foundation (FIF), the charitable arm of Lashkar-e-Taiba (designated a terrorist organization by the U.S. Treasury Department in 2016), and the Milli Muslim League, a political party established by LeT founder Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, on whom the U.S. government has placed a $10 million bounty. Also present was Al Khidmat, the charitable wing of the Islamist movement Jamaat-e-Islami (JI).

Historical Roots and Ideological Influence

Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) was founded in 1941 by Maulana Syed Abul Ala Maududi in Lahore, British India. Maududi later played a role in the foundational development of ICNA. In 1974, he was present at ICNA’s first public event at Columbia University. Maududi’s ideological influence remains evident in ICNA’s activities and literature.

In 1967, at a Muslim Students Association (MSA) convention, an Indo-Pak working group convened to establish an Islamic movement in North America. This led to the creation of the Islamic League of North America (ILNA) in 1968, which eventually evolved into ICNA. Maududi’s son, Ahmed Farooq Maududi, was elected as the secretary of this initiative.

By 1979, ICNA had grown substantially, hosting its 4th annual convention featuring senior JI leaders such as Professor Khurshid Ahmad and Qazi Hussein Ahmed. That same year, Maududi visited the U.S. for medical treatment and resided with his son, an ICNA official, in Buffalo, New York, where he ultimately succumbed to illness.

One of the former presidents of the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA), Dr. Muhammad Yunus, played a pivotal role in the formation of the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) alongside Professor Nurul Islam, the first Chairman of Bangladesh's Planning Commission. Notably, Professor Nurul Islam also mentored another Muhammad Yunus, the founder of Grameen Bank and the current head of Bangladesh’s interim government. Over time, the RSO transitioned into the Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO). It is worth noting that Muhammad Yunus, who led ICNA, had affiliations with Jamaat-e-Islami and was a staunch advocate for the concept of Ummah and Dawah.

The Rohingya National Council (RNC), a political consortium of Rohingya groups predominantly from Myanmar’s Rakhine State, was established on November 28, 1998, in parallel with ARNO. ARNO itself emerged from the merger of the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front (ARIF) and the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO).

On a different front, "Helping Hands for Relief and Development" (HHRD), an ICNA-affiliated charity, collaborated with various NGOs in Kashmir, some of which were later investigated by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED) for alleged terror financing. In 2021, multiple NGOs across North India were raided by the NIA and ED for their suspected involvement in funding extremist activities.

One such organization was the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), where Khurram Parvez served as a Program Coordinator. Parvez was arrested in December 2021 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) for his alleged role in terror financing. His arrest triggered an international response, with entities such as Time Magazine, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), the United Nations, and various global left-leaning NGOs rallying in his support. Despite the serious charges against him, these groups portrayed Parvez as a victim of political persecution, neglecting to address his alleged links to anti-India activities.

In a striking turn of events, Time Magazine included Khurram Parvez in its annual list of the 100 most influential people globally. The eulogy in his honor was penned by journalist Rana Ayyub, further reinforcing the narrative of his supposed victimization. The involvement of Time Magazine, founded by Henry Luce and supported by the Henry Luce Foundation, raises pertinent questions about the financial backing of anti-India activities, particularly during the 2024 Indian general elections.

Parvez also holds the position of Chairperson of the Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD), an umbrella organization comprising ten South Asian NGOs, including Bangladesh-based Odhikar and Mayar Dak. Notably, the founder of Odhikar serves as a minister in Bangladesh’s interim government, while Mayar Dak operates as a front for the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), which, along with Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, played a role in the recent political upheaval that led to the ousting of Sheikh Hasina’s government. Mayar Dak’s newspaper is published from Kolkata, West Bengal, and Sheikh Hasina’s government had previously urged the Government of India (GOI) to shut it down. However, due to political considerations under the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government in West Bengal, the publication continues its operations.

Aga Syed Muntazir Mehdi, a self-proclaimed Kashmiri activist who once claimed that his father was the "Ayatollah Khomeini" of Kashmir, was seen alongside Eric Garcetti, the U.S. Ambassador to India. Mehdi was selected by the Delhi-based "Centre for Civil Society" for its fellowship program, "Young Leaders: Gear Up to Challenge the Status Quo," in January 2019. The Centre for Civil Society is funded by The Atlas Network, whose CEO, Matt Warner, is a fellow at the U.S. government-backed National Endowment for Democracy.

Khurram Parvez’s AFAD is supported by Odhikar and Mayar Dak, alongside the International Federation for Human Rights. Odhikar also collaborates with the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL), which, in turn, partners with Lokniti in India. Lokniti is an election monitoring initiative run by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), which hosts the Rajni Kothari Chair for Political Systems and Governance—an entity funded by the Ford Foundation and the Tata Trust.

The People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), founded in 1976 by Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), has had notable figures such as Prashant Bhushan associated with it. Bhushan's "Sambhaavnaa Institute of Public Policy and Research" regularly invites Bhanwar Meghwanshi, a key resource person, to conduct workshops on caste issues and Dalit rights. Meghwanshi also serves as the Secretary of PUCL and the President of its Rajasthan chapter.

Among PUCL’s leadership is Binayak Sen, a vice president and head of its Chhattisgarh section. Sen, a known supporter of the Naxalite movement, was sentenced to life imprisonment for his alleged involvement with the insurgents. The case remains pending in the Chhattisgarh Sessions Court following a Supreme Court directive. Similarly, Seema Azad, another PUCL secretary and the President of its Uttar Pradesh section, along with her husband, were convicted for their affiliations with the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and their alleged support for the Naxal movement. Their case, too, is under appeal.

Rajni Kothari, the founder of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), served as PUCL President from 1979 to 1981 and remained a lifelong member. In 2013, CSDS hosted historian Tapati Guha Thakurta for a seminar on the secular dimensions of Durga Puja. Tapati Guha-Thakurta, a professor at the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Kolkata, is the sister of journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, who was referenced in the Hindenburg report on the Adani Group.

Paranjoy Guha Thakurta is a prominent journalist known for his critical reporting on India’s corporate sector, particularly the Adani Group. His affiliations with international investigative bodies raise questions about the broader agenda of foreign-backed organizations in shaping narratives against Indian interests.

A closer examination reveals how international organizations, including the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the U.S. Department of State, fund entities such as the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) and Transparency International. These organizations, through their network of proxies, actively engage in initiatives that seek to influence India’s domestic policies and political landscape.

For instance, in the aftermath of the farmers' protests, USAID-funded organizations collaborated with figures like Ravi Nair and Paranjoy Guha Thakurta to produce reports casting India’s economy in a negative light. Simultaneously, groups like Transparency International and OCCRP joined forces with PACT.org and the International Anti-Corruption Conference (both U.S. State Department-funded) to challenge India’s regulatory measures on foreign NGO funding under the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA).

Additionally, indices such as the Global Democracy Index, Global Happiness Index, and Global Hunger Index—funded by USAID—routinely rank India poorly, often placing it below countries like Bangladesh, Pakistan, Iraq, and even Afghanistan. This pattern raises critical questions about the objectivity and intent behind these rankings, suggesting a concerted effort to shape global perceptions of India in a manner that serves geopolitical interests.

Given these intricate connections, the broader strategy appears to be an attempt to influence India’s internal affairs through coordinated media campaigns, NGO networks, and foreign-backed policy interventions. Whether this is a mere coincidence or a calculated effort remains a subject of analysis and debate.